You may have noticed that over the past week or so my updates on the
fight against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) have
become less frequent. In part this has been because I've had to deal
with other issues. For example US President Barack Obama's controversial
decision to take executive action on immigration will have a huge
impact on the political climate in which decisions about how the US-led
coalition against ISIL operates will be taken.
However it is mainly because the tempo of the operation has slowed to
the point where I'm struggling to find enough to talk about in daily
updates. In Iraq we are still largely waiting for the coalition to
decide that it wants to go and fight ISIL. In the Battle of Kobane/Ayn
al-Arab on Syria's northern border with Turkey which has dominated much
of the fighting in recent weeks the Kurdish Peoples Protection Units
(YPG) have proved themselves to be highly effective in both stopping
ISIL's attempts to capture the city and slowing their operations in
general.
Between Wednesday (19/11/14) and Saturday (22/11/14) operations within
Kobane were largely limited to the YPG mounting patrols on the eastern
and southern fronts and occasionally engaging the enemy. During this
time the YPG succeeded in re-capturing a single position from ISIL in
the Sukul Hal area and 22 ISIL fighters were killed across both fronts. A
single YPG fighter was killed on Saturday.
The YPG have continued to hold the villages of Helinj and Jalabiyah
which sit to the south-east of Kobane itself on the main road between
the city and the ISIL stronghold of Raqqa which is around 140km (84
miles) to the south-east of Kobane. The YPG's control of this road has
substantially reduced ISIL's ability to bring reinforcement and supplies
to the Kobane battle but it has not stopped them completely because
there are other roads and ISIL continue to occupy other positions around
Kobane.
On Saturday it appeared as though ISIL were assembling their forces for a
fresh assault on Kobane and that was accompanied by a significant
increase in the daily shelling of the city which is now coming primarily
from the west of Kobane. Although this shelling is coming from beyond
the villages of Minaz, Gire Iza and Mazra which sit around 5km (3 miles)
away the Peshmerga artillery units that have been seconded to the YPG
responded in kind. Fortunately as I write there is no evidence that a
new ISIL offensive has begun or is even probable.
One thing that may have discouraged a fresh offensive by ISIL is that on
Sunday (23/11/14) the YPG launched a big operation of their own in the
Sukul Hal area on the eastern front. This operation was a success which
saw the YPG re-gain more territory in the area whilst killing 32 ISIL
fighters and seizing significant amounts of weapons and ammunition. On
the southern front the YPG also attacked an ISIL patrol destroying
vehicles and killing 7 ISIL fighters. Also on Sunday the YPG moved to
expand their positions around Helinj and Jalabiyah to include the
village of Sheikh Choban further restricting ISIL's access to Kobane.
During this operation 3 ISIL fighters were killed.
Although at this stage the attrition rate clearly favours the YPG over
ISIL food, ammunition and medical supplies are being used up meaning
that I will not feel totally confident of a YPG victory until a regular
supply corridor to Kobane can be established through Turkey. With it
beginning to look as though the Battle of Kobane might be starting to
come to an end attention has started to shift to the YPG's other bastion
of defence against ISIL in Syria - the city of Serekaniye/Ras al-Ayn.
Serekaniye sits on Syria's northern border with Turkey around 175km (105
miles) east of Kobane and around 240km (144 miles) west of the
Syria/Iraq border town of Khanik. As like Kobane Serekaniye directly
borders Turkey it would also provide ISIL with a smuggling route across
Turkey but sitting around 160km (96 miles) north-east of Raqqa it has no
value for ISIL in terms of getting supplies to and from their positions
in and around Aleppo City which is around 200km (120 miles) west of
Raqqa. However if it becomes increasingly clear that Kobane will not
fall it is possible that ISIL will instead turn their attentions to
Serekaniye in an effort to kill Kurds in revenge and partly because that
is just what ISIL does.
At the moment the YPG are doing a highly effective job of keeping ISIL
away from Serekaniye itself and actually seem to be pushing ISIL back
further into the villages amid frequent clashes. However if ISIL turn
their attention fully to Serekaniye the YPG fighters there could find
themselves overwhelmed although they've always been in a stronger
position there than in Kobane. This risk of course makes it even more
vital that a supply corridor across Turkey is established because it can
then be used to supply both Kobane and Serekaniye creating the
buffer-zone that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been
demanding for months.
In terms of Turkey stepping up and joining the anti-ISIL coalition
either by allowing coalition aircraft to fly from Incirlik airbase,
establishing a supply corridor or simply stemming the flow of ISIL
recruits passing through the nation it seems that there is currently
little prospect of any progress. Over the weekend US Vice-President Joe
Biden visited Turkey for two days of talks with Erdogan about the fight
against ISIL. Despite it emerging that 3 months ago Turkey was given
permission to train (read; "spy on") Peshmerga fighters in Iraq there
was no announcement or indication that Turkey will be taking any steps
or allowing the coalition to take any steps to fight ISIL.
Following that weekend of meetings between the US and Turkey it has
today been announced that US Secretary of Defence Chuck Hagel has
stepped down from the post as part of what is being described as "a
mutual decision." Although I didn't see the resignation itself coming it
has been clear that tension between the Department of Defence and the
White House has been building ever since the anti-ISIL operation begun.
As such what I suspect has happened is that Hagel, speaking on behalf of
the US military, has been telling Obama and his National Security
Council (NSC) what needs to be done to defeat ISIL and Obama has really
not liked the answers he has been given.
Therefore Hagel has either got sick and tired of being ignored and
walked away or Obama has fired him in the hope of replacing him with
someone who will give the answers that Obama wants to hear. This is
obviously evidence of a very serious split at the heart of the US
government and one that hints at Obama being gripped by the type of
megalomania that led him to recently claim that he has a telepathic link
with the US voters.
Even without Turkey granting permission for the coalition to use United
States Air Force (USAF) base Incirlik there are still substantial steps
that the coalition could take on its own to improve its effectiveness in
fighting ISIL. The main one of these would be to establish a
centralised command structure with a sole overall commander and
coalition members being represented by senior officers. After all even
if they are being forced to operate from small bases across the region
their efforts can be made more effective through a central, joined up
strategy.
The coalition came close to setting up this type of command cell on
November 12th (12/11/14) when the US hosted a 10 day planning conference
at MacDill USAF base in Florida, US. It was during this conference that
the French/British plan to use close air-support to allow the Peshmerga
to liberate the town of Kharbaroot was put into action last week. Sadly
that conference came to an end of Friday (21/11/14) and presumably all
the coalition nations are back to randomly doing their own thing.
Within Iraqi itself the Iraqi Army backed by Shia militias have
continued to build on their success in liberating the towns of Saadiya
and Jalula in Diyla province which were re-taken at the same time the
Peshmerga liberated Kharbaroot. Over the weekend they have pushed out
further to clear ISIL fighters from the surrounding areas. As Diyla is
not of major significance to ISIL and its forces there are light this
operation has primarily been undertaken because it needs to be done and
it represents a relatively soft target for the Iraqi Army.
However the operation took place as talks in Vienna aimed at ending
Iran's civilian nuclear program were reaching a climax and Diyla
province borders Iran. This has led to some people to speculate on the
fact that Obama seems to be delaying fighting ISIL because he continues
to view them not as an enemy but as an ally helping to exert pressure on
Iran. This is of course extremely dangerous behaviour that further
underlines the fact of how little Obama understands middle-eastern
politics. After all of the 6 nations negotiating with Iran the US
appears to be the only one seeking a concrete agreement on what even
Israel concedes is an existential issue.
Despite their gains in Diyla province the Iraqi Army suffered a set-back
in the city of Ramadi which sits 100km (60 miles) to the west of the
Iraqi capital Baghdad in Anbar province. You may remember that at the
end of September the Iraqi Army was poised to liberate Ramadi which was
around 90% held by ISIL only for coalition air-support to disappear as
the US decided to bomb targets in Syria instead. On Friday ISIL launched
an operation which succeeded in taking control of one of the remaining
districts that had been under government control giving them possession
of around 95% of Ramadi.
In response to ISIL even greater control over Ramadi the Iraqi
government has pledged that more heavy weapons and air-support will be
dispatched to Anbar province in order to prevent it falling fully under
ISIL control. The last part of that pledge seemed to be a direct
reference to the fact that despite the limited air-strikes they are
carrying out and all the money they are spending the US-led coalition is
still very far away from providing the required level of support to
those who are fighting ISIL on the ground.
(Originally Posted) 20:45 on 24/11/14 (UK date).
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